This chapter briefly surveys what is known about UFOs, by describing the UFO and the UFO occupants. After the survey, an evaluation of the evidence concludes that the UFO occupants are the Caretakers. The possibility of interstellar travel by the Caretakers is also considered. The chapter sections are:
Starting with the flood of UFO reports in the USA that occurred in 1947, the USA Air Force established an official investigation in September 1947, which existed under different names until December 1969 when it was closed. For most of its life the investigation was lightly staffed and had a policy of debunking and dismissing each one of the thousands of UFO reports that accumulated in its files.
An astronomy professor, J. Allen Hynek, was a consultant to the investigation from 1952 to 1966. However, he quit in disgust after being subjected to public ridicule for his infamous “swamp gas” explanation of the March 21, 1966, UFO sighting on the Hillsdale College campus in Michigan: On the night of March 21, a civil-defense director, a college dean, and eighty-seven students, witnessed the wild maneuvers of a car-sized football-shaped UFO. Keith Thompson, in his book Angels and Aliens, summarizes: “The curtain came down on this four-hour performance when the mysterious object maneuvered over a swamp near the Hillsdale College campus.”
Although initially disbelieving, Hynek underwent a conversion during the 1960s as he was overcome by the weight of evidential UFO reports. He had personally investigated many of these reports by interviewing UFO witnesses as part of his role with the Air Force as a UFO debunker. In a 1975 conference paper, quoted by Leonard Stringfield in his book Situation Red, Hynek summarized his position as follows:
If you object, I ask you to explain—quantitatively, not qualitatively—the reported phenomena of materialization and dematerialization, of shape changes, of the noiseless hovering in the earth’s gravitational field, accelerations that—for an appreciable mass—require energy sources far beyond present capabilities—even theoretical capabilities—the well-known and often reported E-M effects, the psychic effects on percipients, including purported telepathic communications, the preferential occurrence of UFO experiences to the “repeaters”—those who are reported to have so many more UFO sightings that it outrages the noble art of statistics.
The statement about materialization and dematerialization refers to reports where the UFO becomes visible or invisible while being stationary. The statement about shape changes refers to reports where a UFO undergoes a major change in its apparent shape—such as when two smaller UFOs join to form a single larger UFO. The statement about E-M effects refers to electromagnetic effects, such as the bright lights and light beams that often emanate from UFOs. Also, there is the effect that UFOs can have on electrical machinery. For example, a UFO in proximity to a car typically stops that car’s engine.
UFO sightings are not evenly distributed over time. Instead, the sightings tend to clump together in what are called waves. During a UFO wave, the number of reported sightings is much higher than normal. Waves are typically confined geographically. For example, France experienced a large wave in 1954, which included landings and observed occupants. Sweden and Finland experienced a wave beginning in 1946 and lasting until 1948. In that wave, the UFOs were cigar-shaped objects which were termed at the time ghost rockets. More recent was the wave in Belgium that began in November 1989 and lasted thru March 1990. The USA waves include those of 1897, 1947, 1952, 1957, 1966, and 1973. Computer scientist Jacques Vallee, in his book Anatomy of a Phenomenon, summarizes some earlier sightings:
Their attention, for example, should be directed to the ship that was seen speeding across the sky, at night, in Scotland in A.D. 60. In 763, while King Domnall Mac Murchada attended the fair at Teltown, in Meath County, ships were also seen in the air. In 916, in Hungary, spherical objects shining like stars, bright and polished, were reported going to and fro in the sky. Somewhere at sea, on July 29 or 30 of the year 966, a luminous vertical cylinder was seen…. In Japan, on August 23, 1015, two objects were seen giving birth to small luminous spheres. At Cairo in August 1027, numerous noisy objects were reported. A large silvery disk is said to have come close to the ground in Japan on August 12, 1133.
There is no standard size, shape, or coloring of UFOs. Reported sizes, as measured along the widest dimension, have ranged from less than a meter to more than a thousand meters. However, most reported UFOs whose size was observed from the ground at close range were roughly between a small car and a large truck in size. In modern times, most UFOs have resembled spheres, cylinders, saucers, or triangles with rounded corners. Sometimes the observed UFO has a distinct dome, and sometimes the UFO has what appear to be windows or portholes.
When viewed as solid objects, UFOs often have a shiny metallic finish, although dark colors are also sometimes reported. When viewed as lights, or as flashing lights on a UFO body, typical colors seem to be white and red, with other colors, such as yellow, blue, and green, reported less frequently.
 The Roswell hoax—the alleged crash of a UFO in Roswell, New Mexico, and the subsequent recovery and dissection by the USA military of several dead alien crash victims—dates to an event in July 1947: Debris from a crashed balloon (the balloon was part of a secret project by the USA military named Project Mogul) was misidentified by an Army Air Force intelligence officer—who knew nothing of the secret project—as the remains of a crashed saucer (apparently because of the very recent and widespread USA news coverage about “flying saucers”). This misidentification was reported in the local Roswell newspaper and then reported across the USA. But within a few days the USA military retracted the story as a misidentification of debris that belonged to a weather balloon (Project Mogul was a military secret and not declassified and made public until 1994, so a more accurate and detailed explanation was not forthcoming).
Although the Roswell event dates to 1947, the Roswell myth did not grow large until the 1980s and 1990s, when many books were written on the subject. As researcher Kal Korff says, “The Roswell ‘UFO crash’ of 1947 is not the only case in UFO history to be blown out of proportion, nor is it going to be the last. … Let’s not pull punches here: The Roswell UFO myth has been very good business for UFO groups, publishers, for Hollywood, the town of Roswell, the media, and UFOlogy.” (Korff, Kal. The Roswell UFO Crash: What They Don’t Want You to Know. Prometheus Books, Amherst NY, 1997. pp. 217–218).
Although money is an important factor in explaining the peddling of the Roswell myth as factual, there is perhaps a bigger reason that explains why there was a demand for this myth: The mathematics-only reality model does not allow UFOs and their occupants—if they are real—to be something that the mathematics-only reality model cannot explain. But the commonly reported characteristics of the occupants—for example, their widely reported use of telepathy when communicating with humans—cannot be explained by the mathematics-only reality model. Thus, because the mathematics-only reality model is the dominant reality model of the 20th century, and many people believe this model, this belief creates a potential paying public for false UFO stories—such as Roswell—to counteract and contradict the UFO evidence that undermines the mathematics-only reality model. Thus, the creation and consequent peddling of both the Roswell myth and similar crash-and-recovery myths; the ultimate purpose of which is to place the aliens on the dissection table, so as to expose them as physical, as the mathematics-only reality model requires.
 Thompson, Keith. Angels and Aliens. Addison-Wesley, New York, 1991. pp. 80–84.
 Ibid., p. 81.
 Ibid., pp. 80, 83–84, 117.
 Stringfield, Leonard. Situation Red: The UFO Siege. Fawcett Crest Books, New York, 1977. p. 44.
 Because UFOs have the ability to accelerate and decelerate so quickly—faster than the eye can follow—this ability is typically given as the explanation for the reports of materializing and dematerializing UFOs. And this is probably the correct explanation, assuming that the UFO involved is physical.
 Vallee, Jacques. Anatomy of a Phenomenon. Ace Books, New York, 1965. p. 21.
 Although typically classified in the UFO literature simply as UFOs—because they are seen as unidentified objects moving thru the sky—the smallest objects, typically seen as small balls of light less than a meter in size (and which are sometimes seen moving in formation, and are often seen moving to and from a larger UFO), are, apparently, individual beings. For example: “Also common within abduction reports is the ball-of-light visitation. They have been dubbed ‘bedroom lights’ by UFO researchers. Sometimes the glowing ball will dissipate and disgorge an alien entity. At other times, the alien entity will dissipate and become a luminous ball. Again, with the feeling of deja vu, I too had an encounter with a small light hovering before my bed when I was a child.” (Fowler, Raymond. The Allagash Abductions. Wild Flower Press, Tigard OR, 1993. p. 197).
The dissipation that UFO researcher Raymond Fowler is referring to in the above quote is probably the reorganization of that being’s bion-body, either to or from whatever shape that being assumes when it is about to interact with a human. For us humans, our bion bodies are composed of cell-controlling bions, and one’s projected bion-body keeps its human shape (see subsection 5.2.3). However, the bions composing a UFO occupant’s bion-body are not cell-controlling bions, and its bion-body can apparently assume different shapes, presumably under the control of that being’s awareness/mind. Perhaps the undifferentiated shape of a ball is more conducive for high-speed travel, and the beings typically adopt that shape when they want to change locations quickly. In either case, whether the being appears as a ball or in some alien form, and whether the being is flying thru the air or moving about on the ground, the movement ability of its bion-body comes from the bions of that bion-body using the learned-program statement move_this_bion().
The question arises as to why the beings are sometimes appearing as a ball of light, instead of simply remaining invisible. Presumably, the bions in its bion-body have a learned program that calls a learned-program statement that can generate visible light, perhaps by ionizing molecules in the surrounding air in such a way as to cause the emission of visible light. The reason the beings may want to be lighted when they travel as a ball to and from their UFO ship at night, could be the same reason that their UFO ship is often lighted. In general, when the beings are closely interacting with physical matter, they themselves, apparently, can see by means of visible light. Thus, in general, when it is nighttime and dark outside, having its bion-body generate visible light may be its equivalent of a human using a flashlight to see when it is dark. In the specific case of Raymond Fowler, quoted above, saying that he “had an encounter with a small light hovering before my bed when I was a child”: the light generated by that being was most likely done so that it could see better in that dark, nighttime room.
As explained above, the small balls of light are the beings themselves. However, the larger UFOs, from car-size on up, are, apparently, the actual physical ships used by these beings to transport various physical objects—such as physical computers, sensors, and recording devices—used by their civilization.
Aeronautical engineer Paul Hill (1909–1990) presents a detailed technical evaluation of UFOs in his book Unconventional Flying Objects. His experience with UFOs included two different sightings that he had. Both sightings were made in Hampton, Virginia. The first sighting was on July 16, 1952:
In the early 1950s, I studied the UFO pattern and noticed their propensity for visiting defense installations, flight over water, evening visits, and return appearances. … Accordingly, expecting conformance to the pattern, at 5 minutes to 8 P.M., just at twilight, a companion and I arrived at the Hampton Roads waterfront, parked, and started to watch the skies for UFOs. … They came in side by side at about 500 mph [about 800 kilometers per hour], at what was learned later by triangulation to be 15,000 to 18,000 feet altitude [about 4500 to 5500 meters]. From all angles they looked like amber traffic lights a couple of blocks away, which would make them spheres about 13 to 20 feet [about 4 to 6 meters] in diameter. … Then, after passing zenith, they made an astounding maneuver. Maintaining their spacing of about 200 feet [about 60 meters], they revolved in a horizontal circle, about a common center, at a rate of at least once per second.
Hill computes the acceleration of the revolving UFOs at about 122 g’s. Hill’s second sighting, made in 1962, was of a single large dirigible-shaped UFO maneuvering over Chesapeake Bay, which he saw while he was riding as a passenger in a car:
… I was surprised to see a fat aluminum- or metallic-colored “fuselage” nearly the size of a small freighter, but shaped more like a dirigible, approaching from the rear. It was at an altitude of about 1000 feet [about 300 meters] …. It was moving slowly, possibly 100 mph [160 kilometers per hour] … It looked like a big, pointed-nose dirigible, but had not even a tail surface as an appendage. … Soon … it began to accelerate very rapidly and at the same time to emit a straw-yellow, or pale flame-colored wake or plume, short at first but growing in length as the speed increased until it was nearly as long as the object. Also, when it started to accelerate it changed from a level path to an upward slanting path, making an angle of about 5 degrees with the horizontal. It passed us going at an astounding speed. It disappeared into the cloud layer … in what I estimated to be four seconds after the time it began to accelerate. The accelerating distance was measured by the car odometer to be 5 miles [8 kilometers].,,
Hill computes the acceleration of this dirigible-shaped UFO at about 100 g’s. Its speed, when he last saw it, was about 9,000 mph (about 14,500 kilometers per hour, which is about 4 kilometers per second). Although an acceleration of 100 g’s would kill a man, beings like the Caretakers have no physical body to crush, and would be safe.
Assuming that a UFO is composed of physical matter, an acceleration of 100 g’s is not necessarily destructive to that UFO’s physical content. And Hill points out that the USA military has self-guiding cannon shells that contain electronics, sensors, and maneuverable flight surfaces. These cannon shells are subjected to more than 7,000 g’s at launch, and are designed to survive 9,000 g’s.
Based on the observation that UFOs tilt to move—which implies a single thrust vector—and based on the various reported effects of UFOs including the bending down and breaking of tree branches when a UFO flies too closely over them, Hill concludes that the UFO moves by means of a directed force field that repels all physical matter, in the same way that gravity attracts all physical matter. This anti-gravity force field is unknown to modern-day physics.
I have not seen a UFO myself, but some of the reported reaction effects outside a UFO may be nothing more than a result of rapid changes in air pressure around the physical UFO, caused by the UFO’s rapid movements thru the air at low altitudes. Thus, for example, tree branches can be bent downward by wind caused when a UFO quickly moves close overhead and stops, and also when that UFO quickly leaves that location.
Regarding what moves the physical UFO: Instead of invoking an anti-gravity force field, which probably doesn’t exist, a physical UFO, in theory, could have some part of itself infused with bions whose learned programs would use the push_against_physical_matter() statement to move that physical UFO. However, as explained in section 7.6, bions cannot be directly programmed by any civilization. Thus, how would those bions be programmed to move that UFO as desired by the UFO’s occupants? Alternatively, one can suggest that one or more of the UFO occupants themselves are using their bion bodies to push against the physical UFO and move it. Also, as described in section 8.1, the UFO occupants can change the shape of their bion bodies. Thus, one can imagine one or more of these beings flattening their bion bodies and covering the surface of one or more large metal plates that are firmly attached inside the physical UFO, and then pushing against those metal plates as needed, to get the wanted movement of the entire physical UFO and its physical contents.
As stated in subsection 3.8.8, there is no push-back against a bion when it pushes against physical matter by using the push_against_physical_matter() statement, and this means that a UFO occupant, regardless of whether it is inside or outside its physical UFO, can continuously push against whatever part of that UFO its bion-body is very close to (recall that the push_against_physical_matter() statement has a very short range, estimated at less than one-tenth of a millimeter, hence the need to be very close). Thus, that UFO occupant can thereby apply a force against that UFO part without any equal and opposite force pushing back against that UFO occupant’s bion-body. And, assuming that that UFO part pushed against is, for the total force applied to it, unbreakably attached to the main structure of the UFO, then, assuming enough force is applied—getting other UFO occupants to help with the pushing if needed—the entire UFO can be moved. In the case of a UFO moving thru Earth’s atmosphere, a constant upward pushing against a horizontal metal plate would be needed to counteract the downward pull of gravity.
It may sound ridiculous to suggest that the beings themselves are pushing against their physical UFO to move it, but I do believe this is the most likely explanation. It reminds me of the story of Roman galley slaves chained to their oars. It does sound somewhat primitive to suggest that the presumably very advanced civilization behind these UFOs can’t do better in terms of propulsion than having to use their own people to, in effect, row the boat. But, what is the alternative? The only alternative is to use, in Earth’s atmosphere, aircraft wings and a physical propulsion method such as propellers and/or jets and/or rockets, which means a much greater weight for the physical UFO because, in addition to the weight of the wings, the UFO would have to carry those propulsion engines and all the fuel that those propulsion engines need, and it also means a much longer acceleration/deceleration time and a much slower top speed when compared to what is reported for UFOs. Also, with a physical propulsion method comes the need to manufacture the fuel and also the need to do periodic maintenance on the engines to keep them running smoothly. My guess is that in the distant past, the civilization of the UFO occupants developed such physical propulsion methods and experimented with them, but in the end they decided that, all things considered, it was better to just move their physical ships themselves. Note that in the case of their physical UFOs traveling in outer space, away from the Earth’s gravity, they would only have to push a short time to get their physical UFO moving very fast in the wanted direction, and then they can just coast to their destination without having to keep pushing. This assumes that they sometimes travel elsewhere in our solar system.
 Hill, Paul. Unconventional Flying Objects: a scientific analysis. Hampton Roads Publishing, Charlottesville VA, 1995. (Hill’s book, although completed in 1975, was not published until 1995, five years after his death.)
 Ibid., pp. 44–45.
 Ibid., p. 48.
 Ibid., pp. 175–176.
 According to Hill’s analysis (Ibid., pp. 53–82, 179–180), the plume emitted by this dirigible-shaped UFO is the result of the ionization of the air that moves into the wake of this UFO. This ionization is caused by soft x-rays, presumably emitted as a consequence of the UFO’s propulsion system. The plume—although it looks like a flame—is not a flame: there is no burning, and the plume is not hot. The plume lengthens as the UFO moves faster thru the air, because there is a relaxation time for the ionization.
According to Hill, this emission of soft x-rays—primarily in the direction of the UFO’s thrust vector—is a common feature of UFOs, and this accounts for the reported instances of radiation sickness in those persons who get too close to the outside of a UFO for too long. The ionization plume is not normally visible during daylight, but is visible under low-light conditions. For example, a saucer-shaped UFO hovering at night can appear cone-shaped: the cone under the saucer is the ionized air beneath the saucer (Ibid., pp. 144–145). In general, the ionization around a UFO tends to interfere with the ability to clearly see the surface of that UFO.
 According to Hill, he heard no noise from this dirigible-shaped UFO, even though it was moving—when he last saw it—at supersonic speed. According to Hill’s analysis (Ibid., pp. 181–218), as the UFO moves at supersonic speeds thru the atmosphere, both the lack of a sonic boom and the apparent lack of any significant heating of the UFO are due to the same cause: the same type of force field used to move the UFO is also used to move the air smoothly around the UFO.
 Ibid., pp. 48–49.
 Ibid., p. 49.
 Ibid., pp. 98–118.
According to the UFO literature, UFO occupants come in different humanoid shapes and sizes. Regarding shape, the occupants have more or less the basic humanoid shape: two legs, two arms, a head, and bilateral symmetry. Regarding size, the UFO occupants are typically described as being small, ranging from about 3 to 5 feet in height (1 to 1½ meters).
There are reports that UFO occupants abduct people. In premodern times, when UFO occupants wanted to abduct someone, they typically appeared to the abductee as dwarfish people. These occupants would then play a ruse on the abductee. They invited the abductee to come along with them, either to provide help of some kind or to participate in their celebrations. Some such excuse would be made, to help win the abductee’s initial cooperation in his own abduction. The people at the time believed these occupants to be members of an advanced human race that lived on mountains, in caves, or on islands; in places not inhabited by ordinary people. But this deception became obsolete when it became unbelievable in modern times. However, the deception was used in Europe until as late as the 19th century when the practice died out completely. Jacques Vallee, in Dimensions (quoting Walter Evans-Wentz, who wrote a thesis on Celtic traditions in Brittany, and a book in 1909 titled The Fairy-Faith in Celtic Countries):
The general belief in the interior of Brittany is that the fees once existed, but that they disappeared as their country was changed by modern conditions. In the region of the Mene and of Erce (Ille-et-Vilaine) it is said that for more than a century there have been no fees and on the sea coast where it is firmly believed that the fees used to inhabit certain grottos in the cliffs, the opinion is that they disappeared at the beginning of the last century. The oldest Bretons say that their parents or grandparents often spoke about having seen fees, but very rarely do they say that they themselves have seen fees. M. Paul Sebillot found only two who had. One was an old needlewoman of Saint-Cast, who had such fear of fees that if she was on her way to do some sewing in the country and it was night she always took a long circuitous route to avoid passing near a field known as the Couvent des Fees. The other was Marie Chehu, a woman 88 years old.
Regarding the UFO literature at the end of the 20th century, reports of alien abduction are common, but these reports are mostly based on memories recovered by the use of hypnosis, and for that reason are unreliable. In older literature, there does not seem to be much regarding what happens during an alleged abduction, because “the mind of a person coming out of Fairy-Land is usually blank as to what has been seen and done there.”
Although UFO occupants have apparently been seen collecting rocks, soil, and plants; in recent times almost no one has reported seeing them collecting farm animals. However, the UFO literature includes claims by some researchers that UFO occupants are responsible for so-called cattle mutilations, which are characterized by a recently dead animal that is missing parts of its body, such as “sex organs, tongues, ears, eyes, or anuses”. But the explanation given by others, that the culprits are small animals that preferentially eat the exposed soft parts of recently dead cattle, sounds more convincing.
 Vallee, Jacques. Dimensions. Ballantine Books, New York, 1988. pp. 70–71.
 Psychologist William Cone describes the typical expectation that a subject has regarding hypnosis (Randle, Kevin, Russ Estes, and William Cone. The Abduction Enigma. Forge, New York, 1999):
Most people who undergo hypnotic regression believe that the unconscious has recorded everything and that hypnosis can bring those memories to the surface. This becomes a self-fulfilling prophecy. They know they are supposed to remember something, and so they do. [Ibid., p. 334]
But the idea that memory is a complete and accurate recording of events is simply wrong:
Hundreds of studies have shown that this idea is not true. Memory is not recorded but seems, according to the research, to be stored in a highly complex manner consisting of impressions, ideas, and feelings filtered through our own belief system. Each time someone reaches for a memory, it is not “played back” but reconstructed. … Furthermore, according to research, as time goes by, memories are modified to fit the beliefs of the society and world around us. [Ibid., p. 333]
Another problem with hypnosis is that leading the subject is unavoidable:
The truth is that it is impossible not to lead someone under the influence of hypnosis. A question as innocent as, “What happened next?” presupposes that something else happened, but more important, primes the subject to continue the narrative. [Ibid., p. 337]
Or what about David Jacobs? According to those who have witnessed his sessions, he doesn’t say much as he interrogates the victims of abduction. But for those who have been privileged to hear the tapes of those sessions, it is clear what he is doing. When the abductee strays from what Jacobs believes to be the norm, he makes no audible comment. However, when the subject touches on a point in which he believes, he nods and says, “Uh-huh.” It doesn’t take the abductee long to pick up on the cues and begin to massage the tale for the verbal approval of Jacobs. [Ibid., pp. 347–348]
Because of the various ways, subtle and otherwise, that a subject can be led during hypnosis, Cone draws the very reasonable conclusion that leading the subject causes the similarities between the reported abduction stories: the abduction researchers are, in effect, working from the same script, and they lead the subject to give the expected account. The end result is that the abduction researchers can point, which they do, to these similar accounts, and claim that this similarity is validation that these abduction stories are accounts of real events.
Another consideration regarding abduction accounts is the question of what motivates a person to play the role of an abductee. Cone notes the interesting detail that “gay men and women are overwhelmingly represented in the abduction population” (Ibid., p. 292). Regarding women claiming lost pregnancies—the typical story is that her alien abductors artificially inseminated her, and then removed the resultant fetus sometime later in the next few months:
The psychological literature is full of reports on why women who cannot conceive believe that they have, through some miracle, become pregnant. Such a belief fulfills a real psychological need in these women. [Ibid., p. 326]
 Vallee, Jacques. Passport to Magonia. Henry Regnery Company, Chicago, 1969. p. 87. (Jacques Vallee is quoting Walter Evans-Wentz.)
 Thompson, op. cit., p. 129.
According to the UFO literature, the UFO occupants communicate with people telepathically. For telepathic communication to work, the learned programs that are directly involved in the telepathic communication are either the same or very close to being the same in the minds of both parties. The learned programs in the minds of both parties must agree, at least in large part, as to the format and meaning of the message texts sent and received, that carry that telepathic communication. This sameness of learned programs is consistent with the UFO occupants being the Caretakers. Presumably, these learned programs were, in effect, copied from Caretakers to humans in the distant past when humanity began.
In contrast to humans, the UFO occupants—like the Caretakers—are composed solely of intelligent particles. Thus, without the burden of a physical body, the UFO occupants are free to pass thru physical walls and closed doors, and to shape-shift and assume different appearances. This shape-shifting ability may include the ability to form the appearance of clothing, although on certain occasions actual physical clothing may be worn to better deceive the target human(s) into thinking that the UFO occupants have a physical body like humans do.
That UFOs are described in old historical records, is consistent with the UFO occupants being the Caretakers, because the Caretaker civilization is assumed to be extremely old, and is probably older than the beginning of organic life on Earth more than 3½ billion years ago. The collecting of rocks and soil by UFO occupants, although not necessarily a Caretaker function, can be a Caretaker function, because various biosphere-related chemicals, bacteria, and other organisms are typically found on rocks and in soil.
In conclusion, the UFO occupants are the Caretakers.
Regarding physical UFOs, it may seem contradictory that non-physical beings have physical flying ships. But these physical flying ships are used to hold and transport physical objects that these non-physical beings use, such as physical computers, sensors, instruments, and recording devices. These physical flying ships are not needed to hold and transport the non-physical beings themselves, because, in general, these non-physical beings can fly very fast on their own. In addition, their physical flying ships can also be used to hold and transport safely plants and animals that have physical bodies, including humans. And another possible use, assuming some of their physical ships are designed for bulk transport, is for transporting physical material in bulk to the Earth or elsewhere in our solar system. A possible example of such bulk transport is the transporting of comet ice to Earth and then dumping that ice while still in space but close enough to the Earth so that that dumped ice will be pulled down to the Earth by the Earth’s gravity (see section 7.6).
Presumably, the Caretakers can and do travel within our solar system. However, travel to other stars is much less certain. Even if the Caretakers can do it, it would be a time-consuming trip, made at less than lightspeed. Also, in another solar system, the learned programs in the minds of whatever intelligent beings are there, may be different enough from those of the Caretakers to make personal interaction with them difficult (for example, telepathic communication with them may be impossible due to programming differences). Thus, solar systems are probably fairly isolated from each other, even for the Caretakers.
However, since the Caretaker civilization is very old, perhaps the Caretakers, in the past, have launched (without any Caretakers onboard) automated physical ships that have physical propulsion systems, that have taken thousands or many thousands of years to go to one or more nearby solar systems, recorded what was found there, and then returned to our solar system so that the Caretakers could review the results. The limitation of this automated physical approach is that it would only report on the physical details of a visited solar system, and not report on whatever intelligent-particle beings are inhabiting that visited solar system, with the possible exception of those intelligent-particle beings, if any, that have physical bodies.
 If any of the Caretakers travel outside our solar system to another solar system, then they probably use a physical ship whose physical sensors and computers reliably track the star of that other solar system and provide course-correction info when needed, using a physical display that the Caretakers can see, so that whichever Caretakers are currently responsible for pushing the physical ship when needed (section 8.2) can push as shown by that physical display, to make that course correction. And likewise when slowing down the physical ship when it arrives at that destination solar system.
As the saying goes: When in Rome, do as the Romans do. So, to reliably navigate to a remote physical object (in this case a distant star and its solar system), use other physical objects that respond to that destination physical object. More specifically, use a physical ship that has physical sensors that detect the electromagnetic emissions from that solar system’s star.
And this reason to use a physical ship to navigate to a distant solar system also applies to the use of physical flying ships by the Caretakers within our own solar system. For example, if the Caretakers want to go to some exact geographical spot on the Earth for whatever reason, a physical ship guided by a physical computer that is processing data from physical sensors (such as accelerometers) can show the Caretakers—by means of a physical display as mentioned above—what pushing is needed to get that physical ship to that geographical spot regardless of whether or not any of the Caretakers in that ship know the terrain and can fly directly to that geographical spot by themselves.
Also, regarding traveling to a distant solar system, the top speed at which the Caretakers, or an awareness/mind in general, can travel at, may be much lower than lightspeed, because there is much more data to copy from one computing element to an adjacent computing element, to move an intelligent particle thru 3D space, compared to moving a common particle thru 3D space. Assuming that there is a speed limit for an awareness/mind that is much lower than lightspeed, then my guess is that in the distant past the Caretakers got close to this speed limit as they attempted to push a physical ship faster and faster and eventually got close enough to that speed limit so that they were unable to push their physical ship any faster because their learned programs were no longer running fast enough to push their physical ship any faster. In this case, assuming their learned programs were no longer running fast enough, for each computing element that briefly holds a bion that is a part of that Caretaker’s bion-body, and that bion is pushing against that physical ship, that computing element is spending much of its processing time, because of the current speed that that bion is moving at thru 3D space, just moving that bion to an adjacent computing element, and there is not enough processing time left over to run that bion’s learned programs enough to result in that physical ship being pushed any faster.
This chapter considers humanity as a whole. The chapter sections are:
Michael Cremo and Richard Thompson are the authors of The Hidden History of the Human Race. The basic case made by Cremo and Thompson is that since the Darwinian theory of man’s evolution became the dominant theory in the 19th century, the validity of archeological finds—including issues of dating—are judged based on their fit into the Darwinian theory. For example:
This pattern of data suppression has been going on for a long time. In 1880, J. D. Whitney, the state geologist of California, published a lengthy review of advanced stone tools found in California gold mines. The implements, including spear points and stone mortars and pestles, were found deep in mine shafts, underneath thick, undisturbed layers of lava, in formations ranging from 9 million to over 55 million years old. W. H. Holmes of the Smithsonian Institution, one of the most vocal critics of the California finds, wrote: “Perhaps if professor Whitney had fully appreciated the story of human evolution as it is understood today, he would have hesitated to announce the conclusions formulated [that humans existed in very ancient times in North America], notwithstanding the imposing array of testimony with which he was confronted.” In other words, if the facts do not agree with the favored theory, then such facts, even an imposing array of them, must be discarded.
This supports the primary point we are trying to make in The Hidden History of the Human Race, namely, that there exists in the scientific community a knowledge filter that screens out unwelcome evidence. This process of knowledge filtration has been going on for well over a century and continues to the present day.
Drawing largely from papers published in the scientific literature, Cremo and Thompson present a wide variety of evidence—including stone tools and complete skeletons—for the existence of modern man in remote times. According to Cremo and Thompson, the physical evidence shows that modern man has been on Earth for many millions of years.
In a follow-up book, Forbidden Archeology’s Impact, Michael Cremo comments on why the “knowledge filter” has been so pervasive, concealing the great antiquity of the human race:
The current theory of evolution takes its place within a worldview that was built up in Europe, principally, over the past three or four centuries. We might call it a mechanistic, materialistic worldview. … Historically, I would say that the Judeo-Christian tradition helped prepare the way for the mechanistic worldview by depopulating the universe of its demigods and spirits and discrediting most paranormal occurrences, with the exception of a few miracles mentioned in the Bible. Science took the further step of discrediting the few remaining kinds of acceptable miracles, especially after David Hume’s attack upon them. Essentially, Hume said if it comes down to a choice between believing reports of paranormal occurrences, even by reputable witnesses, or rejecting the laws of physics, it is more reasonable to reject the testimony of the witnesses to paranormal occurrences, no matter how voluminous and well attested. Better to believe the witnesses were mistaken or lying. … the presentation of an alternative to Darwinian evolution depends upon altering the whole view of reality underlying it. If one accepts that reality means only atoms and the void, Darwinian evolution makes perfect sense as the only explanation worth pursuing.
 Cremo, Michael, and Richard Thompson. The Hidden History of the Human Race. Govardhan Hill Publishing, Badger CA, 1994. (The Hidden History of the Human Race is the abridged version of Forbidden Archeology: The Hidden History of the Human Race published in 1993.)
 The basics of Darwin’s theory of evolution (section 7.3) do not require that the appearance of modern man be recent. However, because the fossil record shows different ape-like creatures alive during the last few million years, and because modern man is assumed by the theory to be an evolution from ape-like predecessors, the assumption is made that modern man appeared only recently, so as to allow as much time as possible for the randomness of Darwinism to make changes in the ape-like predecessors. Thus, the first appearance of modern man is typically dated within the last 100,000 years (first-appearance dates of 30,000 years ago in Europe, and 12,000 years ago in North America, are common).
Assigning a recent date for the appearance of modern man, besides conforming to Darwinian thought, also has the advantage of avoiding an unpleasant question: If modern man has been on Earth for millions of years, what has happened to all the previous human civilizations that one might expect have existed during the course of those millions of years?
Unfortunately, it turns out that there is a very good answer to this question: civilization-destroying comets and asteroids hit the Earth on a more or less regular basis. For example, astronomer Duncan Steel roughly estimates a civilization-destroyer—an impactor that would, in effect, blast mankind back into the stone-age—as a comet or asteroid 1 to 2 kilometers in diameter. The impact energy of a 1-kilometer-wide comet or asteroid is roughly equivalent to the explosive force of 100,000 megatons of TNT. These civilization-destroyer impacts happen roughly once every 100,000 years (Steel, Duncan. Rouge Asteroids and Doomsday Comets. Wiley, New York, 1995. pp. 29–31).
Also, over the last 20,000 years, there has been an ongoing breakup in the inner solar system of a giant comet—the fragments of this breakup constitute the Taurid meteor stream (Ibid., pp. 132–136). The presence of this Taurid stream has increased the likelihood of a civilization-destroying impact. And, apparently, from this stream, a civilization-destroyer impacted in the ocean about 11,000 years ago. Among other things, this impact explains the Atlantis myth, the many flood myths, and why mankind was recently in a stone-age (Hancock, Graham. The Mars Mystery. Crown, New York, 1998. pp. 250–258).
Also relevant to this discussion is my essay Debunking the Ice Age at https://solitoncentral.com/debunking-the-ice-age. This essay deals specifically with the civilization-destroying impact of roughly 11,000 years ago.
 Cremo and Thompson, op. cit., pp. xvii–xviii. (The bracketed note is in the original.)
 If man has been on Earth for many millions of years, then a question arises regarding technology: Have any previous human civilizations attained at least the same level of technology as that attained by man at the end of the 20th century? Using the standard belief at the end of the 20th century that oil, natural gas, and black coal are non-renewable resources (supposedly because these resources derive from organic debris buried about 200 million years ago), then the likely answer is no, because if alternatively the answer is yes, then these resources would have already been depleted by those previous civilizations. However, professor Thomas Gold has debunked this belief that oil, natural gas, and black coal derive from buried organic debris (Gold, Thomas. The Deep Hot Biosphere. Copernicus, New York, 1999):
Nobody has yet synthesized crude oil or coal in the lab from a beaker of algae or ferns. A simple heuristic will show why such synthesis would be extremely unlikely. To begin with, remember that carbohydrates, proteins, and other biomolecules are hydrated carbon chains. These biomolecules are fundamentally hydrocarbons in which oxygen atoms (and sometimes other elements, such as nitrogen) have been substituted for one or two atoms of hydrogen. Biological molecules are therefore not saturated with hydrogen. Biological debris buried in the earth would be quite unlikely to lose oxygen atoms and to acquire hydrogen atoms in their stead. If anything, slow chemical processing in geological settings should lead to further oxygen gain and thus further hydrogen loss. And yet a hydrogen “gain” is precisely what we see in crude oils and their hydrocarbon volatiles. The hydrogen-to-carbon ratio is vastly higher in these materials than it is in undegraded biological molecules. How, then, could biological molecules somehow acquire hydrogen atoms while, presumably, degrading into petroleum?[Ibid., p. 85]
Instead of deriving from buried organic debris, the underground deposits of oil, natural gas, and black coal derive from a continuously upwelling flow of hydrocarbons—primarily in the form of methane—from much greater depths within the Earth:
At high pressures, hydrocarbons represent the stable configuration of hydrogen and carbon. Hydrocarbons should therefore form spontaneously in the upper mantle and deep crust. But at low pressures at or near the earth’s surface, liquid hydrocarbons are supercooled, unstable fluids. As they upwell into lower-pressure regimes, they begin to dissociate, and this means they begin to shed hydrogen. This is exactly what we see in the vertically stacked patterns of a hydrocarbon region that go from methane at the deepest levels to oils and eventually to black coals at the shallowest levels. Each step in that stack is one of further hydrogen loss. [Ibid., p. 130]
This idea that buried organic debris is not the source of oil, natural gas, and black coal, did not begin with Thomas Gold, since in large part he is only echoing what was already the consensus opinion in Russia since the 1960s, which has guided for decades their successful oil-exploration efforts in rock strata that the organic-debris theory claims should have no oil.
 Cremo, Michael. Forbidden Archeology’s Impact. Bhaktivedanta Book Publishing, Los Angeles, 1998. pp. 337–338. (Michael Cremo is quoting himself, from a letter he wrote in 1993.)
There are three commonly recognized races: african (more specifically, sub-Saharan african is meant, aka blacks), caucasian, and oriental. And there appears to be a strong correlation between the comparative traits of these three races, and the comparative traits of the two human genders: men and women. Briefly, the correlation is that on a scale from masculine to feminine, the three races are ordered: african (the most male race), caucasian, and oriental (the most female race). Consideration for specific traits follow—and when speaking of specific traits as they appear in each gender and race, averages and the average case is always assumed, because, of course, there are always exceptions when considering individuals.
Regarding physical size, speed, and strength, obviously men are larger, faster, and stronger than women. For the three races, obviously the oriental race is the smallest and weakest. Less obvious is the difference between the african race and the caucasian race. In general, it appears that the african race can move its limbs (arms and legs) faster than the caucasian race, but the caucasian race does better in pure strength events such as weightlifting. In general, fast movement versus slower movement but greater strength, as manifested in the african race compared to the caucasian race, is a tradeoff with no clear gender difference, in terms of making one of these two races more male than the other. The needs of surviving in their different physical environments probably, in effect, takes precedence over there being a clear gender difference between these two races with regard to body size, speed, and strength.
Regarding life expectancy, women have a longer life expectancy than men. For the three races, when nutritional and sanitary conditions are the same, the african race has the shortest life expectancy, the oriental race has the longest life expectancy (for example, at the end of the 20th century, the Japanese have the longest life expectancy in the world), and the caucasian race is in-between.
Regarding coloring, men tend to be darker than women. For the three races, obviously the african race is the darkest (a fraction of this race is completely black, which is not seen in the other two races). Also, note the geographic bias affecting skin coloring: living in sunny lands tends to darken the skin, and living in dark lands (less sunlight) tends to lighten the skin. Thus, for example, the caucasian Finns, who live further north (in dark lands) than most people, are very light-colored (very pale); whereas the caucasians of the Indian subcontinent (in sunny lands) are dark—much darker than the oriental Vietnamese, who live at the same latitudes—but not as dark and black as the africans at those same latitudes. Once the geographic bias of coloring is discounted—by comparing races at the same latitudes—it becomes apparent that the caucasian race is darker than the oriental race.
Regarding a tendency for violence, obviously men are more violent than women. For the three races, an examination of worldwide crime statistics shows the african race as the most violent, the oriental race as the least violent, and the caucasian race is in-between.
Regarding general intelligence, women obviously have more verbal aptitude (use and understanding of language, both spoken and written) than men, and verbal aptitude is a major component of general intelligence. For the three races, the african race scores lowest on IQ tests, the oriental race scores highest (for example, the Japanese score highest in the world on standard IQ tests), and the caucasian race is in-between.
Another factor that probably adds greatly to lower the verbal aptitude and overall intelligence of the african race, is that there is probably a much higher percentage of new and recently new humans among the african race compared to the caucasian race and oriental race. I’m specifically referring to what I said in section 6.3 about the solitons of new humans needing at least several human lifetimes or perhaps many human lifetimes to fully learn how to work with the human mind including the language abilities of the human mind which far exceed the language abilities of whatever animal a typical human was before acquiring a human mind and having his first human life.
Regarding why there would be a much higher percentage of new and recently new humans among the african race compared to the caucasian race and oriental race: On average, men are less verbal and language-capable than women. Because of the “birds of a feather, flock together” effect described in subsection 6.3.1, it follows that most new and recently new humans, having been animals with very little language ability before becoming human, would have their early human lives as africans, because africans are the most male race, being less verbal and language-capable compared to the other two races.
Given the gender basis of the three races, it seems likely that the three races will endure far into the future, because, in effect, the three races represent the large-scale range of gender-difference that the total human population wants to express.
Given the discussion of the Caretakers in previous chapters, it is reasonable to assume that the Caretaker civilization is more intelligent than the most intelligent human nation (i.e., more intelligent than the Japanese). And note that many of the gender differences in humans—such as the degree of talkativeness, and the desire to socialize—are mental differences that do not require having a physical body. And note that the Caretakers apparently have the same two genders as mankind. The reason why both the Caretakers and humanity have two genders is explained in section 9.6.
For most of the items in the following list, I have been exposed to much more data regarding africans compared to caucasians, and much less data regarding orientals compared to caucasians:
Regarding sex: On average, men are more motivated and interested in having sex (sexual intercourse) than women, and on average, africans are more motivated and interested in having sex than caucasians. As of 2015 as I write this paragraph, in internet forums in the USA that complain about African-Americans, there are various phrases used to express this greater focus on sex by african males when compared to caucasian males, including the widely used phrase muh dik (ebonics for my dick) referring to african males, and the rhyming phrase that describes african males as being rape apes.
Regarding deepness of voice: On average, men have deeper voices than women, and, on average, africans have deeper voices than caucasians. More specifically, african males, on average, have deeper voices than caucasian males, and african females, on average, have deeper voices than caucasian females. Regarding orientals, on average they do seem to have higher-pitched voices (less deep) than caucasians, but my own observations have been mostly limited to having watched a number of oriental TV shows with english subtitles, which is probably not the best evidence to generalize from.
Similar to deepness of voice is loudness of voice: On average, men have a louder voice than women. Compared to caucasians in the USA, I’ve seen, heard, and read enough to be confident that, on average, africans talk with a louder voice than caucasians.
Regarding cleanliness: On average, women are more bothered by such things as dirt, unkempt appearances, and disorderly arrangements of objects, than men are, and, on average, africans have less concern for keeping things clean, neat, and orderly than caucasians. Put another way, africans are more tolerant of things being grimy and trashy, than caucasians are. There is so much evidence for this, including but not limited to how, on average, caucasian neighborhoods, yards, and homes look, compared to how african neighborhoods, yards, and homes look. Regarding orientals, I don’t know as much, but the Japanese do have a reputation for cleanliness, beyond what is seen for caucasians.
Regarding honesty: On average, men are more honest than women, and, on average, africans are more honest than caucasians. Regarding orientals, I don’t have any personal experiences or observations, but I’ll just refer the reader to the general reputation that orientals have as being deceptive and inscrutable compared to caucasians.
Regarding anger: On average, men have a greater capacity for anger than women, and, on average, africans have a greater capacity for anger than caucasians. As of 2015 as I write this paragraph, in internet forums in the USA that complain about African-Americans, the widely used phrase to describe an episode of explosive anger by a male or female african, is chimpout (these chimpouts often include violent attacks done by the african; note that the word chimp in chimpout is short for chimpanzee, a monkey). Note that anger and other emotions are discussed in detail in section 9.7.
Regarding graphics: On average, women seem to be more oriented toward the visual of things, than men. Overall, women seem to be more focused on visual appearances and the fine detail of visual appearances, than men, including the visual appearance of their bodies (many women use makeup on their face), the visual appearance of the clothing they wear, the visual appearance of their personal items and possessions, and the visual appearance of their larger environment, including whatever house or apartment they live in and its yard and what’s in that yard. Note also that there is some overlap here with regard to what I said above about cleanliness.
Comparing orientals with caucasians, note the large number of different graphic symbols in the written languages used by the orientals (in written Chinese and Japanese). In general, the written languages of caucasians use fewer graphic symbols, and their graphic symbols have a less complex design than many of the oriental graphic symbols. With regard to africans compared to orientals or caucasians, the african race is not even on the graphics map, so to speak, since their graphic abilities are very limited in comparison.
One can also add to this graphics discussion all the anime and manga that Japan produces, which means that the Japanese have a lot of graphic artists and a population that wants to see graphic works. In conclusion, the oriental race is the most concerned with graphics and visual appearances, the african race is the least concerned with graphics and visual appearances, and the caucasian race is in-between. Also, given the discussion about the visual imagination in section 3.1, it is likely that, on average, women experience a less faint visual imagination than men, and it is likely that the oriental race experiences a less faint visual imagination than the caucasian race, and the african race experiences the most faint visual imagination.
 Regarding the two colors, black and white, the implication as to their psychological meaning is clear: black represents masculine qualities, and white represents feminine qualities. Thus, for example, a man dressed in black, dancing with a woman dressed in white, works (witness the many movies that use this dress scheme); whereas the opposite dress scheme, being a man dressed in white, dancing with a woman dressed in black, does not work, and is rarely seen.
 The implication is clear: on the gender scale, the Caretaker civilization is more feminine than the oriental race. And besides the assumed correlation of intelligence, there is also an apparent correlation regarding violence, because the Caretakers appear to be very nonviolent. And even though the Caretakers have no physical body, note the apparent correlation regarding size, as the Caretakers typically adopt a comparatively small size when they assume a form for interacting with humans.
Sleep—in the sense of an organism becoming periodically inactive—is widespread thruout nature, and is not limited to the higher animals. For example: “many insects do rest during the day or night. These rests are called quiescent periods.”, And: “The authors of the book The Invertebrates: A New Synthesis write: After activity there is need for rest, even for ‘busy bees’. Honey bees enter a state of profound rest at night, with remarkable similarities to the phenomenon of sleep.” And: “Fish do have a quiescent period which can be called ‘sleep’. Tropical freshwater fish in home aquaria can be observed resting immediately after turning the lights on in a room which has been darkened for several hours.” And: “Yes, frogs and toads sleep with their eyes closed. … Snakes, like all reptiles, do sleep. They are capable of doing this quite soundly despite the fact that they have no moveable eyelids. Moving your hand in front of the face of a sleeping snake will often not cause it to wake up for several seconds.” And: “Sharks don’t sleep as we know it, but they do rest. Often they will come to a quiet bottom area and stay there motionless.”
Why does sleep happen? The mathematics-only reality model has no explanation for sleep, because it denies the existence of intelligent particles, and there is nothing known about physical particles that implies the need for periodic shutdowns. However, unlike the mathematics-only reality model, the computing-element reality model does have an explanation for why intelligent particles sleep (common particles do not sleep):
When an intelligent particle is asleep, none of its learned programs are running (any of its learned programs that were running immediately before sleep, have been stopped by the computing-element program in preparation for this sleep time). Then, during sleep, the learning algorithms of the computing-element program (section 3.6) are running for that intelligent particle, with the possibility of making changes to that intelligent particle’s learned programs. Thus, any changes to an intelligent particle’s learned programs (including any additions or deletions of learned programs) can only happen when that intelligent particle is asleep.
Given that sleep is a part of each intelligent particle—irrespective of the presence or absence of a common-particle body—it follows that all beings with an awareness/mind sleep. Thus, for example, the Caretakers sleep. And, for example, people in the afterlife sleep. And each organic life form—assuming it has at least one bion—sleeps. Thus, for example, bacteria sleep.
For a complex organism with many bions, the periods of sleep for those bions can be synchronized and/or unsynchronized as needed, in accordance with the needs of that organism. For example, each bion in a plant—which lacks a nervous system and associated mind—can probably sleep according to its own arbitrary schedule, without causing harm to the plant as a whole (at any one time, about the same percentage and distribution of the plant’s bions would be asleep—although for plants that rely on photosynthesis, probably a higher percentage of the bions are awake during daylight). But for those organisms that have a nervous system and associated mind, which controls the organism’s movements in its environment, a more or less synchronous sleeping of those bions would be the case, during which time the organism is perceived to be asleep, resting, quiescent.
For any bion, a longer sleep period means more time for the computing-element program to apply its learning algorithms to that bion’s learned programs. Regarding a human child and the learned programs in its mind—its mind being the owned bions of its awareness (soliton)—it seems likely that the need for modifications (such as minor adjustments) to a child’s learned programs would be greatest at its earliest age given its new physical body and physical environment, and then decline with age as its physical body and environment become less and less new with less and less need for further adaptation by that child’s mind to its situation. And this appears to be the case: “It is well established that infants and children need much more sleep than adults. For example, infants need about 16 hours of sleep, toddlers about 12, and school age children about 10. … during puberty our need for sleep actually increases again and is similar to that of toddlers.”
 The web citations in this section are all from a website called The MAD Scientist Network, provided by the Washington University School of Medicine in St. Louis USA. The purpose of this website is to provide a forum where people can ask questions to be answered by scientists. The quoted selections—three of these quotes are slightly edited for improved readability (specifically, three commas and a missing to were added)—are from answers to questions asked by other persons (none of the questions were asked by me).
 From the post RE: insects, made by Kurt Pickett (Grad Student Entomology, Ohio State University).
 From the post RE: ants and sleep, made by Keith McGuinness (Faculty Biology).
Also regarding sleeping insects, the fruit fly (Drosophila) sleeps (Fly naps inspire dreams of sleep genetics. Science News, volume 157, number 8 (February 19, 2000): p. 117):
The researchers videotaped flies during rest periods to document the insects’ behavior. During the night, the flies crawled off to resting places and settled into what the researchers define as a sleep pose, slumped “face down,” Hendricks [the lead researcher] says. For about 7 hours every night, the flies stayed still except for a few small twitches of the legs and proboscis. As the evening progressed, it took louder and louder taps on the cages to rouse the insects.
In some sessions, the scientists kept the flies from their rest by tapping whenever the insects stayed still for more than a minute. The rest-deprived animals compensated by sleeping more over the next few days, as sleep-deprived people do.
 From the post RE: Do fish sleep?, made by Bruce Woodin (Staff Biology. Woods Hole).
 From the post RE: Do snakes eat their own eggs?, made by Kevin Ostanek (Undergraduate, Lake Erie College).
 From the post RE: Sharks, made by Roger Raimist (Prof. Biological Sciences).
 Having a clear separation between the time when the learned programs can be running, and the time when they are being processed for possible modification by what are, in effect, a separate group of programs, the learning algorithms, simplifies the overall complexity of the computing-element program, because synchronization and load-balancing issues between the two program groups are minimized. Also, by not running the learning algorithms when the learned programs are running, this means that during the time when the learned programs are running, they get a larger share of the underlying processing power of each computing element that is currently holding that intelligent particle as that intelligent particle moves thru 3D space, and can consequently, in effect, do more during that time when the learned programs are running.
Alternatively, if there is no clear separation between the time when the learned programs can be running and the time when they are being processed for possible modification, then one faces the difficult problem of modifying a program while that program is still running. Given an arbitrary learned program that is running, and an arbitrary set of changes to be made to that learned program, how does one modify that learned program without corrupting what will be the output from that learned program when that learned program finishes its current processing? And, the answer here isn’t as simple as saying just wait for that running learned program to stop running, because what if it doesn’t stop running, and also, even if it does stop running, perhaps it takes input from, or gives output to, one or more other learned programs that are running. The correct solution here is to have a clear separation between the time when learned programs can be running and the time when they can be modified, and this is what actually happens.
 From the post RE: You are right, children are much more active in their sleep, made by Salvatore Cullari (Professor and Chair, Lebanon Valley College).
Christianity is a religion that I was exposed to in my youth (see Chapter 10 for details regarding my experience with this religion). Christianity has a long history in both Europe and also in the USA where I live. The central figure in Christianity is Jesus, which Christianity presents as a historical person, but is actually a fictional character.
Because the setting for the Jesus story is Judea, it has long been assumed that Christianity had its origins in Judea and its people. However, there is a better argument that Christianity had its origins in the imperialistic goals of the Roman Empire which had conquered Judea in the first century CE.
Although Christianity was originally contrived and constructed to domesticate the recently conquered population of Judea, later in Roman history we see Christianity promoted by the Roman emperor Constantine as a religion for the entire Roman world and its peoples. And from there, over time, this imperialism-friendly religion of Christianity was imposed on the rest of Europe.
In the remainder of this section, other than a brief consideration of prayer at the end, I consider the underlying reason for some of the specific teachings and beliefs of this Christian religion that are not in this religion to support imperialism, but instead support a very different goal of Christianity, which is to maintain and grow the number of Christians so as to better support those people who directly live off Christianity as, in effect, paid employees of Christianity.
Regarding the afterlife: According to Christianity we each have only one physically embodied life, which is one’s current life, and upon death what awaits us is an endlessly eternal afterlife of pain and suffering unless one is a Christian when one dies, in which case one will have an endlessly eternal afterlife of the opposite of pain and suffering. In effect, being a Christian means one accepts Christianity as one’s reality model. There are different phrases in use to denote acceptance of Christianity as one’s reality model. For example, in the USA during my own lifetime, the short phrase “accept Jesus as your lord and savior” is perhaps the most commonplace example: the word Jesus is specific to Christianity, and the words lord and savior imply submission to Christianity as one’s reality model.
In a nutshell, Christianity says to the public: be a Christian and one will be endlessly rewarded with a very desirable afterlife, otherwise an endlessly punishing, very undesirable afterlife awaits. This is a classic “carrot and stick,” and its primary purpose is to motivate non-Christians to become Christians, so as to get the carrot and avoid the stick, and also to motivate current Christians to work at converting any non-Christians who they care about, such as friends and family, so that those non-Christians will be converted to Christianity and thereby avoid an endlessly punishing afterlife. The end result of this carrot-and-stick approach is more Christians, which in general means more material support for those who directly live off Christians, including priests and pastors and the higher-ups in the church hierarchy.
Instead of having to accept the reality model of Christianity or of any other religion to have a good afterlife, the reality model presented in this book says that what one consciously believes about the afterlife during one’s physically embodied life has no substantial effect on what one’s afterlife experiences will be, during what will be an afterlife measured in years or many years (not Christianity’s eternity) before one reincarnates, most likely reincarnating as a human again.
Regarding Christianity’s position on sexual matters, Christianity has a long history of being hostile to sex for any purpose other than the production of children. Thus, given this emphasis on having children, Christianity, in general, has a history of being against birth control, abortion, infanticide, and homosexuality. The reason Christianity has these attitudes is because Christianity wants its current believers to have many children, because Christian parents are likely to take their young children to a Christian church, with an end result that this early indoctrination of the child into a particular religion, in this case the Christian religion, makes it much more likely—when compared to a child who had no such early indoctrination into that religion—that that child when adult will be a member of that religion and an active supporter of it—putting money in the collection plate, for example. Thus, what has guided Christianity’s position on sexual matters is the self-interest of those who directly live off Christianity, because, in general, more Christians means more material support for those who directly live off Christianity.
While on this subject of Christianity, consider Christianity’s emphasis on praying to its God and/or Jesus. However, given the reality model presented in this book, silent prayer to oneself is only “heard” by one’s own unconscious mind. And one’s own unconscious mind, albeit under command by one’s awareness, is also the producer of that silent prayer that is sent to the awareness. Thinking that one’s silent prayer is being heard by a powerful being is only true in the sense that that powerful being is simply one’s own unconscious mind. By emphasizing prayer, those who directly live off Christianity—such as priests and pastors and the higher-ups in the church hierarchy—are, in effect, telling Christians to solve their personal problems with prayer instead of bothering them with it.
 For those familiar with the Christian religion and its New Testament which describes materializations and other miracles performed by Jesus, it would seem that Jesus was a god-man. However, subsection 3.8.7 explains why the learned-program statements for seeing and manipulating physical matter have a very short range. And, among other things, this very short range means that the alleged materialization miracles done by Jesus—such as his alleged materialization of bread and fish to feed many people—are not possible and are fiction. Also, many scholars have argued that Jesus is not a historical person. For example, Lars Adelskogh gives a good summary of this position:
Jesus Christ is the central figure of the Western civilisation, just as Muhammad is the central figure of the Arab civilisation, and Confucius, of the Chinese civilisation. These are trite observations. However, whereas we are quite positive that Muhammad and Confucius were historical figures, we are not in a position to say with certainty that Jesus Christ, as portrayed in the Gospels, ever existed.
Indeed, quite a number of scholars have come to the conclusion that Jesus is a mythical figure, no more real in any historical sense than Hercules or Dionysus, Sherlock Holmes or Donald Duck. … This revisionist school of Jesus research, if I may so call it, takes its stand on three basic facts:
The complete absence of historical evidence for Jesus outside the New Testament. Contemporary authors, who ought to have heard and then written about him, if he was such a remarkable figure as the Gospels intimate, are silent.
The complete, or almost complete, lack of originality of the teachings of Jesus as given in the Gospels. Essentially everything taught is found in the Old Testament, contemporary rabbinic literature, or so-called paganism, Hellenistic wisdom literature, pagan cults, etc.
The many features that Jesus of the Gospels shares with several so-called pagan saviour gods, or godlike men, such as Asclepius, Hercules, Dionysus, Mithras, Krishna, and, of course, Gautama the Buddha.
[Referring to item 3:] These common features, or similarities, embrace so many essential aspects of the Jesus figure, his birth, his life, his actions, and his death, and often do so in such a striking manner, that you easily get the impression that Jesus of the Gospels, the new saviour god, is little more than a rehash of the older pagan saviour gods. [An address by Lars Adelskogh at the International Seminar “The Sanskrit and Buddhist Sources of the New Testament”, Klavreström, Sweden, September 11, 2003. At: http://www.jesusisbuddha.com/larsa.html]
Christian Lindtner, a Danish professor whose specialty is Buddhist studies, shows that much of the New Testament (its original written language is Greek) plagiarizes specific Buddhist texts that were written in Sanskrit. He describes his process of discovery:
In many ways this author agrees with the results arrived at by previous researchers in the field of CGS [Comparative Gospel Studies]. In general, however, these scholars have been satisfied if they could point out parallels, similar ideas, or similar motives.
This author asks for more. Parallels are not sufficient. To be on firm ground, we must “require close verbal similarity”—something that Derrett [a CGS scholar] … and virtually all other scholars, feel would be “to ask too much.”
When I insist that we must ask for close verbal similarity, I have a good reason for doing so. The main Buddhist source of the New Testament gospels is the bulky Sanskrit text of the Mulasarvastivadavinaya (MSV), and this text was simply not available to previous scholars, including Derrett—who was, as he writes, “shocked” when he received a copy of that text, first published in 1977, from me not long ago, after he had published his own book.
I had published a review of the MSV way back in 1983 in the journal Acta Orientalia, and, of course, read the Sanskrit text before preparing the brief review. Then I turned to other matters. Six or seven years ago, I turned to New Testament studies. One late evening it struck me that what I now was reading in Greek I had already read some years ago, but in Sanskrit. Could the MSV really be a source of passages in the New Testament? So I started comparing systematically the Greek with the Sanskrit. It was a thrill; I could hardly believe my own eyes.
Comparing, then, the two sources carefully word for word, sentence for sentence, motive for motive, for some years, I came to the firm conclusion that the New Testament gospels could be well described as ‘pirate copies’ of the MSV. Gradually it also became clear to me that other Buddhist texts had also been used by the otherwise unknown authors of the New Testament gospels. The most important source apart from the MSV, it is now clear to me, is the famous Lotus Sutra, known in Sanskrit as the Saddharmapundarikasutram. [Lindtner, Christian. “A New Buddhist-Christian Parable.” The Revisionist: Journal for Critical Historical Inquiry, volume 2, number 1 (February 2004): p. 13. See also Lindtner’s website on this subject, at: http://www.jesusisbuddha.com/]
 Consider the main idea of Joseph Atwill (Atwill, Joseph. Caesar’s Messiah: The Roman Conspiracy to Invent Jesus. CreateSpace, Charleston, 2011), that the Jesus story with its setting in Judea, and with its principal characters including Jesus being Jews, was an invention of the Roman empire in the first century CE as a psychological-warfare effort to help pacify the recently conquered country of Judea with a new, contrived religion, Christianity. In his book, Atwill presents a lot of evidence for this idea that Christianity is a Roman invention.
The main reason I believe Joseph Atwill is correct, is because the social teachings that come out of the mouth of the Jesus character support how an empire, which holds captive one or more foreign peoples, would want those captive peoples to behave in that empire. Thus, as a tool of Roman imperialism and imperialism in general, this constructed religion of Christianity teaches thru its main character Jesus and his so-called apostles the following:
Egalitarianism: “For there is no distinction between Jew and Greek; for the same Lord is Lord of all, bestowing his riches on all who call on him.” The implication of this teaching of equality between different peoples is to reject or at least limit any nationalist tendencies one may have.
Pacifism: Various sayings of the Jesus character, including “Resist not evil: but whosoever hits you on your right cheek, turn to him the other cheek also,” and “Love your enemies, do good to those who hate you.”
Submissiveness to the imperial center (in this case Rome): In the Jesus story, in answer to a question about paying Roman taxes, Jesus said “Give to Caesar the things that are Caesar’s, and to God the things that are God’s.”
The basic idea of karma is that one’s actions have consequences. Good actions have good consequences, and bad actions have bad consequences. Also, the death of the physical body is not a barrier for karma. Some consequences may, in effect, be deferred until one’s next incarnation in a physical body.
Given the computing-element reality model, one can dismiss any suggestion that karma is some universal law of the universe that operates in some impartial and perfect way. Instead, karma is personal and depends on one’s own mind, and, in the revenge case, also depends on the person or persons seeking revenge. Negative karma (karma for bad actions) operates in two ways:
In general, if you intentionally harm someone else in a way that is judged as undeserved by that person (this recognition and judgment can be either consciously made or unconsciously made), then, in effect, that person, either during the current incarnation, or during a future incarnation thanks to that person’s soliton directory and its total_relationship_score for your soliton (subsection 5.1.1), may at some point try to pay you back and harm you in return. In a word, this is revenge.
This is a consequence of our structure: a single soliton (one’s awareness) ruling a large, cooperating population of bions (one’s mind). In effect, if one fails to be a good ruler, there may be a rebellion of the ruled.
Just as your awareness (the soliton) is a member in a larger society (the bions composing your mind), so is your person a member in a larger human society. Harming human society is analogous to harming your mind, and can encourage rebellion. Thus, to be a good ruler over one’s own mind:
Do things that tend to be socially constructive, and avoid doing things that tend to be socially destructive.
Note that this guideline does not necessarily mean that one should not attack or disrupt the society in which one lives, because even a good society can probably be improved, and construction sometimes requires a preceding destruction.
Note that one’s own family is the smallest and most immediate society in which one lives. And, as the saying goes: Charity begins in the home.
As a worst-case example of how the rebellion can manifest itself in the next incarnation, consider the case of schizophrenics who are tormented by voices that accuse them in various ways. These voices are from that schizophrenic’s own mind, and are independent but “low”, having an extremely limited mental range.
Although some of the misfortunes that befall one may be the result of karma, one should avoid oversimplifying and assuming that all misfortunes are the result of karma.
We are finite, and our minds are limited. Also, our physical bodies are fragile, very complex, and subject to damage, illness (typically caused by attacking pathogens or parasites that are too small to see with one’s eyes), and aging. Also, constructing and keeping alive the physical body, and repairing the physical body when needed, and defending against pathogens and parasites when needed, is the job of cell-controlling bions, and these cell-controlling bions are separate from one’s mind, and their cell-related activities cannot be directly controlled or influenced by one’s mind. Thus, for example, having the right mental attitude or belief system or way of thinking or whatever, is, in general, not going to help one’s physical body when faced with physical problems regarding one’s physical body.
Real accidents do happen (although some apparent accidents may be unconsciously arranged by one’s own mind and/or other minds). Also, one may be caught in some larger social process and/or economic situation which has nothing to do with one’s individual karma, but has a negative effect on one’s life. And, of course, the limitations and misfortunes of old age befall everyone who lives long enough to experience them.
Also, there is a lot of unpredictability in this world we live in. There are many unknowns, limited information, and a lot of the unpredictability comes from ourselves and other people, both in terms of people acting as individuals and in terms of people acting as a member of one or more groups. And, one’s own mind, no matter how intelligent one may be, has a limited ability to collect and analyze data in an effort to anticipate future events and outcomes that may have a negative effect on one’s life and/or the life of one or more other persons that one cares about. And, even if one correctly foresees some specific misfortune for oneself and/or for one or more others, one’s ability, and/or the ability of those others if any, to avoid that specific misfortune, may be limited. This unpredictability of our world is only important because we each have a weak, fragile, and needy physical body, and, as a result, serious misfortunes, possibly very painful, can happen that have nothing to do with one’s individual karma. Just having a physical body, which at its worst can put one in extreme and prolonged pain, puts everyone who has a physical body at risk (the underlying reason for body pain is to alert the awareness that something is abnormal with the physical body and needs attention).
In general, because of our own complexity, life is complex, with many often-conflicting influences. Karma is only a part of what can influence our lives. And, as the saying goes: You have to take the good with the bad.
 Just as all that one sees is a construction of one’s own mind (section 3.6), so is all that one hears a construction of one’s own mind. Thus, all voices that one may hear, are constructed by one’s own mind, regardless of whether the text (what the voice is saying) has an internal origin (from within one’s own mind) or an external origin (from one of the sensory sources: either one’s physical hearing or telepathic hearing).
A typical person is familiar with two kinds of voices: the voice of one’s own thoughts (this is the same as the voice one hears when reading), and voices heard thru one’s physical hearing (whether hearing oneself talk or hearing others talk). Apparently, given the unerring ease with which one distinguishes between hearing the voice of one’s own thoughts and hearing voices heard thru one’s physical hearing, and given the fact that both types of hearing can take place simultaneously without interference between them, it follows that there are two different non-overlapping allocations of awareness-particle input channels (section 9.6) for carrying the two kinds of hearing to the awareness: one allocation carries the voice of one’s own thoughts, and the other allocation carries all the sounds, including voices, heard thru one’s physical hearing.
As a rule, the text for the voice of one’s own thoughts has an internal origin, and this voice has a soft and unobtrusive sound. A person may also have experience with hearing voices in one’s dreams. In this case, the dream voices have the same sound quality as voices heard thru physical hearing. In other words, they sound like normal voices, instead of sounding like the voice of one’s own thoughts. These dream voices are probably carried to the awareness over the same allocation used for carrying the sounds heard thru one’s physical hearing.
In the case of psychics who claim to hear normal voices, which they believe are telepathic communications from other minds (typically from the dead), such telepathic communication is certainly possible. However, alternatively, in at least some cases, the text may have an internal origin or a mixed origin. In either case, if the voice sounds normal (in other words, the voice sounds like voices heard thru one’s physical hearing) then that heard voice is probably carried to the awareness over the same allocation used for carrying the sounds heard thru one’s physical hearing.
Apparently, for some people—typically women—who take their religious beliefs too seriously about submitting their will to God, Jesus, or whatever, they may find themselves being ordered about by their own unconscious mind masquerading behind a normal-sounding voice. In effect, they abdicate the natural right of their awareness as ruler, and give that right to their unconscious mind, imagining that the voice they hear is the voice of God, Jesus, or whatever.
Schizophrenics who are tormented by accusatory voices claim to hear those voices as normal voices. But it should be clear that the text of the voices, regardless of how they sound and regardless of which allocation is carrying those voices to the awareness, has an internal origin, given such reported characteristics as the extreme monotony and repetition of the text. For these schizophrenics, the rebellion that they caused in their own mind has a voice (this rebellion, typically, is a consequence of actions in their previous incarnation).
Perhaps I should mention that my brother, who is two years younger than me, is schizophrenic, and that is why I know a lot about this subject of schizophrenia. He lives in a group home for schizophrenics.
My sister’s son (born 1980) has Tourette Syndrome (TS). In December 2001, knowing of my interest in his condition, he sent me an email in which he gives “a general synopsis that I wrote that covers some of the subtleties about TS that I will use when it is necessary to educate those around me”:
What is Tourette Syndrome?
Tourette Syndrome (TS) is a nervous system disorder characterized by involuntary, rapid, sudden movements or vocalizations called tics that occur repeatedly in the same way. TS is not degenerative in any way; it is not a sign of mental illness; it is not caused by poor parenting or abuse of any kind. TS usually begins in childhood and often continues throughout life; it is found across all ethnic backgrounds and at all socioeconomic levels; although socially awkward its expression is largely cosmetic.
The expression of tics is unlimited and is unique to each person. The complexity of some tics sometimes makes it hard for others to believe the strange actions and inappropriate vocal utterances are not deliberate.
Examples are: facial grimaces, eye blinking; head jerking; shoulder shrugging; throat clearing; yelping noises; tongue clicking; snapping; touching other people or objects; self-injurious actions; copraxia (obscene gestures); coprolalia (obscene language); echolalia (repeating a sound or word just heard); mimicking someone’s mannerisms.
Tics occur many times a day usually in bouts waxing and waning in their severity and periodically changing in frequency, type and location.
Complex verbal tics are often triggered by a completely unrelated thought and do not represent what the person is thinking about.
Tics are suggestible. Merely the mention or sight of a specific tic may induce it.
Repressing tics is difficult and only increases the tension making the tics come out worse later.
Most of the time in situations where it would be socially inappropriate for certain tics the person with TS will not have any tics or ones that are not disturbing, but as soon as they move to a less restricted environment they will often experience a major tic bout.
When someone is told to stop ticcing or if they are in a place where they know they can’t tic they will sometimes feel the compulsion even more strongly.
Stress, positive or negative emotional excitement, fatigue, Central Nervous System stimulants, unpleasant memories or lack of understanding from others can all significantly increase tics.
Being in a stimulating or new environment, involved in conversation, meeting new people, concentrating on a task, relaxation, and acceptance by others can all significantly decrease tics.
What I Ask of You
Now that I understand what TS is, I accept it and it’s not a big deal to me. Most of the time I will be fine, but sometimes it can be overwhelming so when I do tic please ignore them as they are harmless. However if I offend you or you can’t handle seeing me this way then talk directly to me about it and I will try to accommodate you by redirecting the tic into something less threatening to your sensibilities, but note that I will not ostracize myself because of this. If you have any other concerns or questions please ask me.
His above synopsis is drawn from his study of the TS literature, and from his own experience with TS. During a two-week visit by my nephew in July 2001, I had the chance to observe his TS characteristics: he has both movement tics and vocal tics, including both copraxia and coprolalia. Near the end of his visit I developed an explanation for Tourette Syndrome that I believe is correct:
Briefly, my explanation for Tourette Syndrome is that for a person with TS, a part of the mind that for an average person of that nation and gender outputs to n input channels of the awareness particle (the soliton), has instead substantially fewer input channels of the awareness particle to which it can output, because those input channels, at some stage during that person’s previous development, were, in effect, allocated to one or more other mind-parts (I use the word mind-part to mean some specific functional part of one’s mind). Then, over time, that mind-part that is missing its normal allocation of awareness-particle input channels, compensates, proportionate to its loss, by sending its outputs elsewhere, ultimately resulting in the tics of TS.,
In terms of tics, those with TS range from mild to severe. For example, a person who just does a lot of eye blinking or throat clearing would be a mild case; my nephew, with his copraxia and coprolalia, is a severe case. As far as what determines TS severity, the primary determinant is probably the mind-part involved and the extent to which that mind-part has lost its normal allocation of awareness-particle input channels: the fewer the number of lost channels, the more mild the TS; the greater the number of lost channels, the more severe the TS.
In theory, the mind-part that suffered the loss may be different in different persons with TS. However, for at least many with TS, and, I believe, in the case of my nephew, the specific mind-part that suffered the loss is that mind-part—here called the sexual mind-part—that is heavily involved in sexual feeling, desire, and attraction. The primary reason to believe this, is because TS tics, in a typical severe case, often have a strong sexual content. In addition, another reason is the similarity between the strong insistence of TS tics and the strong insistence of sexual desire.
Assume that each soliton has the same total number of input channels, and that each input channel is identical in terms of its data-carrying capabilities. Given the central governing role that the soliton has vis-a-vis the owned bions that collectively form its mind, it stands to reason that a soliton’s input and output channels are not wasted: they are all utilized. Thus, if some mind-part does not have its normal allocation of awareness-particle input channels, then those awareness-particle input channels have been allocated elsewhere. Regarding Tourette Syndrome, it is interesting to note that, in general, those with TS have a reputation for being intelligent. For example, there are many statements like the following on the internet:
Many of my patients with Tourette syndrome are of above average intelligence, frequently intellectually gifted.
… most people with TS appear to have above average intelligence.
Many people believe there is a link between intelligence, creativity, and Tourette syndrome. Certainly in my experience, children with Tourette’s are often quite intelligent …
Regarding intelligence, what I have noticed about my nephew is that in some intellectual areas we are about the same, but in other intellectual areas he either clearly exceeds me (for example, writing ability) or far exceeds me (for example, mathematical ability). Thus, regarding my nephew, he fits the pattern of having TS and being intelligent; in his case, very intelligent. Note: In 2016 I inadvertently learned that my nephew has some color-blindness. Perhaps in his case, his color-blindness is a result of having a below-average allocation of awareness-particle input channels for the human visual field, in which case probably some of his far-above-average intelligence is due to that lower allocation he has for color vision, and not just due to the lower allocation he has for the sexual mind-part (with fewer awareness-particle input channels allocated to his visual field, there were more awareness-particle input channels that could be allocated elsewhere, which in my nephew’s case were allocated to further increase his intelligence).
Given the association of Tourette Syndrome with intelligence, it seems safe to assume that for a typical person with TS, the mind-parts that, in effect, account for intelligence, have been allocated more than their normal share of awareness-particle input channels. Thus, in effect, the allocation loss of the sexual mind-part has been the allocation gain of the intellectual mind-parts. In general, the greater the allocation loss for the sexual mind-part, the greater the allocation gain and enhancement of intelligence. The extent of the allocation loss for the sexual mind-part, and its consequent effects, varies from one TS person to the next. In the case of my nephew, his allocation loss was great enough to cause, among other things, a complete absence of orgasm. Here is a dictionary definition of orgasm:
orgasm: The climax of sexual excitement, marked normally by ejaculation of semen by the male and by the release of tumescence in erectile organs of both sexes.
This dictionary definition describes the physical events that coincide with the orgasm experience, which for a male is the ejaculation of semen. Its description of the orgasm feeling is limited to a statement about that feeling’s relative strength and its placement on the pleasure-pain scale (climax of sexual excitement: presumably very pleasurable). In general, describing a feeling is limited to stating such things as that feeling’s strength or intensity, its duration, its placement on a scale that ranges from pleasure to pain, and its comparison to other feelings. As a rule, reading a written description of a feeling does not cause one to experience that feeling, because the data sent to the awareness particle for reading comprehension is different than the data sent to the awareness particle for causing that feeling. Likewise, the act of remembering a feeling does not cause one to experience that feeling, because the data sent to the awareness particle for remembering that feeling is different than the data sent to the awareness particle for causing that feeling.
Drawing on my own experience with male orgasm: it came in waves, with each wave coinciding with each ejaculation of semen; it was a feeling that was strong but not overwhelmingly so, at least for me; it definitely felt good; nothing else in my life has felt like an orgasm. Note that for a typical male in his physical prime (younger than middle-age), from the first ejaculation to the last, typically less than ten seconds elapse, so the accumulated duration of the orgasm feeling is even less than this.
In November 2000, my nephew, during a phone call, surprised me by asking about my orgasm experience. As I then learned, he has never had an orgasm during ejaculation (nor at any other time), and he was asking me about my own experience, because he was trying to find out if he had inherited his no-orgasm condition from his relatives. His no-orgasm condition is a rarity for young males. However, the loss of orgasm by older males is more common, as I was to find out for myself, a mere six months later, in May 2001: At age 45½, over a period of about a month, my orgasm experience, being noticeably weaker each successive time I had an orgasm, faded away to nothing; and yet, everything else, including the ejaculation, was the same—it was just the orgasm feeling itself that had disappeared.
My orgasm loss, I assume, was a consequence of my advancing age. The male-orgasm experience is obviously a reward, whose ultimate purpose is the production of children. As a male ages, his value as a potential new father declines for many reasons. Thus, the withdrawal of the orgasm reward is understandable.
At the time of my orgasm loss, I was not expecting something positive to result in consequence; but that is what happened. About three months later, in August 2001, while replaying a computer game, I noticed that the game seemed much easier for me (beyond what I had experienced before when replaying computer games). Then I replayed two other computer games, and, among other things, I noticed that I was playing in a way that I had never played before with any such game: I was actually planning my movements, and, for the first time, I was able to shoot accurately while moving; I also found myself thinking about movement strategies at other times of the day when I was not playing. Overall, I was much more focused on, and interested in, how I moved during combat encounters, than I had been in the past. My combat strategy in the past consisted of little more than trying to find the best spot to be in at the beginning of the encounter, and then just standing still, firing the best weapon I had at the targets; complex movement sequences during combat were simply beyond me: I did not think about them, and I did not make them. Regarding my past game play, I have known about my weak game play since the early 1980s, based on my experience with coin-operated video games. In recent years, playing 3D first-person-shooter games on my computer, I would choose the easiest game-difficulty settings out of necessity, and I would also use cheats as needed, such as god-mode (invulnerability), to get thru game sections that I could not otherwise get thru. Now, however, with my newfound movement abilities, I play typical shooter games on normal difficulty, and I get thru them without cheats, so I appear to now be about average, compared to other males who play these computer games.
Regarding my loss of orgasm, the following explanation seems likely: My sexual mind-part had a substantial number of awareness-particle input channels that were dedicated to carrying the data that causes the orgasm feeling. With my advancing age, my sexual mind-part gave up these input channels, which were then acquired by a different mind-part that up until that time had a below-normal allocation of awareness-particle input channels (as demonstrated by my weak game play compared to other males).
Regarding how my orgasm faded away over a period of about a month, being progressively weaker each time I had an orgasm, the following explanation seems likely: The strength of the orgasm feeling—and of feelings in general—is proportional to the number of awareness-particle input channels carrying the data that causes that feeling., My progressively weaker orgasm each time I had an orgasm was caused by having progressively fewer awareness-particle input channels carrying to my awareness the data that caused the orgasm feeling.
Overall, the allocation of the awareness-particle input channels among the different mind-parts is a major determinant in how one person differs from another, assuming that the solitons of the persons being compared to each other have roughly the same level of experience, in terms of human lifetimes, interacting with and controlling the human mind; and, in addition, regarding differences between people, there is also the independent agency, aka free will, of the awareness that has an influence on the detailed allocation plan a person has. One’s allocation plan affects one’s intelligence, one’s athletic ability, and one’s personality including one’s emotional makeup. Also, how the awareness-particle input channels are allocated among the different mind-parts is a major determinant in how, in terms of their psychology, the two genders, men and women, differ from each other; and how the various ethnic-groups and nations of mankind differ from each other, and how the three races of mankind differ from each other (see also the lack of experience with the human mind in the case of a large part of the african race, explained in section 9.2).,, For example, the average woman has a weaker orgasm experience than the average man. Thus, the allocation plan for the average woman allocates fewer awareness-particle input channels to orgasm, than does the allocation plan for the average man.
 Based on the size of one’s visual field that we humans consciously experience, which has about a million pixels, and assuming each pixel in our visual field uses at least one awareness-particle input channel, and given that one’s visual field is just one use among many uses of awareness-particle input channels, with each use having its own separate allocation of awareness-particle input channels (albeit one’s visual field is probably the biggest use in terms of having the largest number of awareness-particle input channels in its allocation), the total number of input channels that the awareness particle (soliton) has, is probably at least a few million. Thus, the value of n could easily be in the thousands or many thousands.
 That a mind-part can establish new connections for its outputs and/or inputs when its normal connections are lost is demonstrated by the fact that many people who suffer serious brain damage—as a consequence of such things as head wounds, strokes, and brain tumors—and initially lose one or more of their mental abilities, are able to regain some or all of their lost mental abilities in the following months or years as the affected mind-parts learn to make use of different neural pathways to carry the affected input and/or output data.
That a mind-part can establish new connections when its normal connections are lost is also demonstrated by the phenomenon of phantom limbs. Developing a phantom limb is a typical result for someone who has had a limb amputated. In the case of a limb amputation, there is no brain damage. Instead, because of the amputation, the normal neural pathways that used to carry the signals from that limb have fallen silent. The affected mind-part then compensates—regaining sensory input for that limb—by remapping the lost limb onto an adjoining area of primary motor cortex, and interpreting the sensory input from that adjoining cortex area as sensory input from the amputated limb. For example:
… touching the stump of an amputated arm often causes two sensations: one is the normal sensation you expect from touching skin; the second is … a feeling that the phantom hand is also being touched. [Hoffman, op. cit., p. 173]
V.Q. was seventeen when his left arm was amputated six centimeters above the elbow. Four weeks later he was tested by Ramachandran and colleagues, who found a systematic map of his phantom hand on his left arm, about seven centimeters above the stump. They also found a map of the phantom hand on his face, on the lower left side … [Ibid., p. 175. Hoffman also describes another amputee with a similar amputation, who likewise had a map for his phantom hand on both his face and on his arm above the stump. And, as Hoffman notes, the cortex area for the hand, adjoins the cortex area for the rest of that arm, and also adjoins on the opposite side the cortex area for the face.]
 This explanation for Tourette Syndrome—that a mind-part that is unable to deliver its outputs to where it normally expects to deliver its outputs, will eventually compensate, proportionate to its loss, by sending its outputs elsewhere—can also be used to explain the condition known as tardive dyskinesia (my brother, who is schizophrenic, had tardive dyskinesia after years of taking the neuroleptic drug Haldol for his schizophrenia). Here is a brief description of tardive dyskinesia:
Tardive dyskinesia is a neurological syndrome caused by the long-term use of neuroleptic drugs. Neuroleptic drugs are generally prescribed for psychiatric disorders, as well as for some gastrointestinal and neurological disorders. Tardive dyskinesia is characterized by repetitive, involuntary, purposeless movements. Features of the disorder may include grimacing, tongue protrusion, lip smacking, puckering and pursing, and rapid eye blinking. Rapid movements of the arms, legs, and trunk may also occur. Impaired movements of the fingers may appear as though the patient is playing an invisible guitar or piano.
There is no standard treatment for tardive dyskinesia. Treatment is highly individualized. The first step is generally to stop or minimize the use of the neuroleptic drug. …
Symptoms of tardive dyskinesia may remain long after discontinuation of neuroleptic drugs; however, with careful management, some symptoms may improve and/or disappear with time. [Tardive Dyskinesia Information Page, National Institute of Neurological Disorders and Stroke, at: http://www.ninds.nih.gov/health_and_medical/disorders/tardive_doc.htm]
Neuroleptic drugs interfere with normal brain chemistry and can block neuron signal transmission in one or more brain areas. If some mind-part has the neural pathways that it normally uses for its outputs blocked for a long time, then that mind-part is going to try to compensate, proportionate to its loss, by sending its outputs elsewhere, which may ultimately result in the movement tics of tardive dyskinesia.
 For example, a man with severe Tourette Syndrome, commenting about his spoken vocal tics, asks: “Why is it always sexual?” (from the one-hour TV program Tourette’s Syndrome: Uncensored, BBC, 2000).
In the case of my nephew, his spoken vocal tics were often sexual in content, but not exclusively so. One way to explain this variety in my nephew’s spoken vocal tics is to suggest that the sexual mind-part—which cannot by itself understand what a given spoken phrase means (language understanding is accomplished by a different mind-part)—selects the verbal phrases it will output based on data from other mind-parts; and this selection criteria—whatever it is—sometimes results in non-sexual phrases being selected.
 For example, as my nephew says in his Tourette-Syndrome synopsis:
- Tics are suggestible. Merely the mention or sight of a specific tic may induce it.
- Repressing tics is difficult and only increases the tension making the tics come out worse later.
- Most of the time in situations where it would be socially inappropriate for certain tics the person with Tourette Syndrome will not have any tics or ones that are not disturbing, but as soon as they move to a less restricted environment they will often experience a major tic bout.
- When someone is told to stop ticcing or if they are in a place where they know they can’t tic they will sometimes feel the compulsion even more strongly.
To make the similarity to sexual desire clear, here is my rewritten version of his points (I am assuming a typical young man):
- Sexual desire is suggestible. Merely the mention or sight of an attractive woman may induce it.
- Repressing sexual desire is difficult and only increases the tension making it come out worse later.
- Most of the time in situations where it would be socially inappropriate for overt sexual actions, the person will not do anything overt, but as soon as they move to a less restricted environment they will often have a major sex-satisfaction bout.
- When someone is told to suppress sexual desire, or if they are in a place where they know they are not supposed to have sexual desire, they will sometimes feel the compulsion even more strongly.
 Webster’s II New Riverside University Dictionary. Houghton Mifflin Company, Boston, 1984.
 Unfortunately for me, I was circumcised as an infant, as were approximately 70% of the other USA males born in 1955 (regarding circumcision, see my essay The Psychological Harm of Male Circumcision at https://solitoncentral.com/the-psychological-harm-of-male-circumcision). However, I am mentioning this fact about my being circumcised because my study of the circumcision subject has made me aware of the fact that circumcision—in addition to its many other negative sexual effects—tends to suppress and lessen the orgasm experience. For example, the results of a poll titled Cut vs Intact vs Restored/Restoring, created in December 2002 by razniq, shows the harm that circumcision does to the orgasm experience (the poll is at http://www.misterpoll.com/poll.mpl?id=803956922; the poll results are at http://www.misterpoll.com/results.mpl?id=803956922; the bracketed [notes] are mine, added for clarity):
Describe what you feel when you come [orgasm].
- I’m cut [circumcised] and I feel barely anything. (6%)
- I’m cut [circumcised] and I feel something in my ‘equipment’ [genitals] only. (13%)
- I’m cut [circumcised] and I feel it in my whole body. (24%)
- I’m intact [natural; not circumcised] and I feel barely anything. (0%)
- I’m intact [natural; not circumcised] and I feel something in my ‘equipment’ [genitals] only. (1%)
- I’m intact [natural; not circumcised] and I feel it in my whole body. (21%)
- I am restoring/restored and what I feel has improved. (24%)
- I am restoring/restored and there is no change in what I feel. (2%)
- I am restoring/restored and what I feel has decreased. (0%)
- I am a USA female. (2%)
- I am a non-USA female. (2%)
353 total votes [353 participants in this poll]
[For each person taking the poll, choosing from the above eleven choices, the poll allows only a single answer. But note that the total of the above percentages adds up to 95% instead of 100%, presumably because the poll results are rounded down to the nearest integer.]
[Note that I saw a post by razniq in an anti-circumcision forum, telling about his poll; I assume the high percentage for “restoring/restored” (totals 26%) is a direct consequence of the places where razniq advertised his poll, because men who have done foreskin restoration tend to congregate in foreskin-restoration and anti-circumcision forums.]
The above poll results make clear the negative effect that circumcision has on the orgasm experience. As the poll results show, circumcision can steal from its victim the experience of a full-body orgasm. Additional evidence for this conclusion is the fact that some men who have restored their foreskins (only a partial restoration is possible) report making the transition from a localized orgasm to a full-body orgasm. For example, a foreskin-restoration forum post by zac0212, dated April 15, 2003, says:
I would describe my circumcision as loose with a partial frenulum (damaged during circ). I have been restoring for a little over a month. Before restoring my orgasms were very localized. In the short time that I have been restoring, my orgasms have changed significantly. My inner foreskin remnant and frenulum have become much more sensitive. I am amazed at how much more I can experience during sex, and my orgasms take over my whole body. Amazing![At: http://health.groups.yahoo.com/group/ForeskinRestoration/message/3232]
As for myself, exactly what is meant by a full-body orgasm I do not know, because I never had one; I only had the localized kind. Thus, my orgasm description is that of a circumcised man who has never had a full-body orgasm.
 Having dedicated awareness-particle input channels to carry the data for a specific feeling to the awareness, means that there are no channel-sharing conflicts and no need for arbitration, which would otherwise be the case if a given awareness-particle input channel were used to carry other data besides the data that produces that specific feeling.
In the case of orgasm, those awareness-particle input channels allocated to carry the orgasm-producing data will be unused most of the time. If one were to assume that all awareness-particle input channels are more or less dedicated, then the awareness-particle input channels allocated to carry the orgasm-producing data are probably among the least used awareness-particle input channels. As an example of high utilization, consider the awareness-particle input channels dedicated to carrying vision to the awareness.
 The reason that the strength of a feeling would be proportional to the number of awareness-particle input channels carrying the data that causes that feeling, is because this is a simple and reliable arbitration method for the awareness particle: in effect, the strength of a feeling is proportional to the number of votes for that feeling, with each input channel counting as one vote. The alternative, having the strength of a feeling encoded as part of the input data for that feeling, would be dangerous, as it would mean that a single input channel would have the capability to deliver a very strong feeling.
 Note that the orgasm feeling differs from most other feelings in that the orgasm feeling—based on my own experience with orgasm before my loss began, and based on how others describe their orgasm experience—has much less variation in its perceived intensity range. Each orgasm feels the same as the previous orgasm. Given this sameness, this means that when the orgasm feeling is sent to the awareness, of those awareness-particle input channels allocated (dedicated) for carrying the data that causes the orgasm feeling, the same or nearly the same fraction of those allocated awareness-particle input channels are utilized for carrying the orgasm-producing data to the awareness. Assuming that the orgasm feeling is not suppressed by some external cause such as circumcision, the typical orgasm feeling probably utilizes all or nearly all of the total allocation of awareness-particle input channels for carrying the data to the awareness that causes the orgasm feeling.
For most other feelings, including emotional feelings and also the feeling of physical pain, the mind-part that sends a specific feeling to the awareness typically utilizes only a fraction of the total allocation of awareness-particle input channels for carrying the data to the awareness that causes that specific feeling, with the total size of that fraction—in terms of the total number of awareness-particle input channels comprising that fraction—determining the intensity of that specific feeling.
For example, assume person A has a total allocation of 5,000 awareness-particle input channels for carrying the data to his awareness that causes the specific feeling of anger, and person B has a total allocation of 10,000 awareness-particle input channels for carrying the data to his awareness that causes the specific feeling of anger. In this case, person B, because he has twice the total allocation for the anger feeling that person A has, will, for the same utilization fraction of their respective total allocations, cause person B to feel the anger feeling twice as intensely as person A. For example, if both person A and person B are currently feeling anger, and for this current anger feeling each of their respective minds is currently using half of its total allocation for carrying the anger feeling to the awareness, then person A is currently using 2,500 of his total allocation of 5,000 for the anger feeling, and person B is currently using 5,000 of his total allocation of 10,000 for the anger feeling. The end result is that because the intensity of a specific feeling depends on the total number of awareness-particle input channels currently carrying that specific feeling to the awareness, and because person B is currently utilizing twice as many awareness-particle input channels to carry the anger feeling to his awareness than person A, it follows that person B feels that current anger twice as intensely as person A. The maximum feeling of anger that a person can experience is when his entire total allocation for the anger feeling is currently carrying the anger feeling to his awareness. Thus, person B has a range for experiencing the anger feeling—from zero anger to maximum anger—that is twice as great as person A.
 This explanation for human mental differences, that to a large extent human mental differences result from differences in how the awareness-particle input channels have been allocated, means that humanity as a whole can have the same underlying programming of the mind-parts, subject to possible individual customization as mentioned in section 3.6 (regarding human mental differences, also note that new and recently new humans—assuming they were animals before becoming human—are very stupid, as explained in section 6.3). This presumed sameness of the underlying programming, with differences in how the awareness-particle input channels are allocated, greatly lessens the burden placed on the learning algorithms that create and evolve learned programs (section 3.6), because there is no need to suggest that big human mental differences between two persons—for example, the difference between someone with a 100 IQ and someone with a 150 IQ, or the difference between someone who is athletic and someone who is clumsy, or the difference between someone with a lot of emotions and someone with few emotions—result from differences in how they developed and evolved their mental programming over the short time frame of about 20 years as they developed from being human babies to being human adults. The great complexity of the human mind is not something that develops anew in each single human as they go from being a baby to being an adult.
One implication of this explanation for human mental differences, in the case of intellectual abilities, is that a limiting factor for consciously expressed intelligence is the limited number of awareness-particle input channels available for allocation to the intellectual mind-parts, which is insufficient to fully connect all the various intellectual mind-parts so that each of these intellectual mind-parts is connected to its maximum potential, assuming that an intellectual mind-part’s maximum potential is represented by historical persons who achieved greatness regarding their mental abilities associated with that intellectual mind-part. Thus, the potential of the human mind, in terms of what its programming can do, includes the math abilities of great mathematicians such as Newton, the writing abilities of great writers such as Tolstoy, the inventiveness of great inventors such as Edison, the graphic-art abilities of great artists such as Michelangelo, and so on.
However, this doesn’t mean that a soliton/mind can, for example, be a Newton or a Tolstoy or an Edison or a Michelangelo after just a few human lifetimes, as long as he gets the same allocation plan, respectively, that Newton had, or that Tolstoy had, or that Edison had, or that Michelangelo had. No, not at all. Not a chance. And the reason is that at the very least, the soliton (awareness) has to learn how to interact with, and control, those parts of the human mind to the extent that those great men had done, and I think it likely that to achieve their level of mental competence, will require many human lifetimes. And also, there has to be the will to do so, to strive for and gain that level of mental mastery, by a soliton/mind. This involves the agency of his soliton (awareness), which is the free will that each soliton (awareness) has, which is independent of the computing-element program. In other words, that soliton (awareness) has to want that level of interactive cooperation and harmony with its human mind and has to actively work toward that goal, if that is what it wants.
 The explanation that we humans all share the same underlying mental programming but the limiting factor for its conscious expression is the limited number of awareness-particle input channels, explains the commonly observed truism that excelling (compared to the average) in one or more ways is accompanied by deficits (compared to the average) elsewhere. For example, when I was a teenager in high-school, it was a commonplace truism that the athletes were stupid, and the smart kids were unathletic. Well, it was true about myself and most of my friends (smart and unathletic), but there was an exception in that one of my friends was smart and also very athletic, which only means that his deficits were elsewhere.
In effect, the allocation of awareness-particle input channels is what is known as a zero-sum game, where the total gain distributed among one or more players is a loss by the same total amount distributed among one or more of the other players. The players are the various mental programs (mind-parts) that have outputs intended for connection to the awareness particle. Each of these mental programs is a potential recipient of an allocation of awareness-particle input channels, and its allocation defines the extent to which that mental program can connect its awareness-intended outputs to the awareness particle.
For the human mind, there are many players in this allocation game (I estimate more than 50 different players), and the number of awareness-particle input channels to be allocated is large (at least several million), so there is a very large number of different allocation plans that are sufficiently different from each other, that one would be able to observe differences between people having these different allocation plans.
About the truism that excelling in one or more ways is accompanied by deficits elsewhere, I have long been aware of many of my own various deficits (compared to the average of other Euro-American men in the USA). My sensory and motor deficits include: a weak sense of smell; a below-average sense of taste; low athletic ability. My intellectual deficits include: no artistic ability and a below-average memory for many of the things that the average person remembers, such as remembering details of one’s own life; I also have a very poor sense of direction. As far as I know, my emotional deficits are somewhat typical for a man, with at least one exception being my lack of the fear emotion (most men, as far as I know, have the fear emotion).
For a typical person, his allocation plan, regarding how it allocates to the various intellectual abilities, spreads the wealth, so to speak. In contrast, for those persons known as idiot savants, their allocation plan is very one-sided with one intellectual ability far above average while most of the other intellectual abilities are substantially below average. Psychologist David Gershaw gives an overview regarding idiot savants:
Leslie Lemke—born mentally retarded, blind, and suffering from cerebral palsy—sat down at the piano for the first time and played an almost perfect rendition of Tchaikovsky’s First Piano Concerto!
Bob, now in his sixties is a “calendar calculator”—he can name the day of the week for any given date since 1947. He gives most of his answers in less than 8 seconds! Yet Bob is mentally retarded. He lives in a foster home, because he cannot even manage simple daily living skills.
Although these people would perform below normal on any conventional measure of intelligence, they have fantastic abilities in very limited areas. In the past, psychologists have referred to such people as idiot savants—a term that literally means “learned idiots.”
However, this term is not really correct. First, although they are mentally retarded, they are not idiots—those at the lowest level of intelligence. Also they are not savants—people with great knowledge. Their amazing talents—most often in the areas of music, art, mathematics, calendar calculation or memory for obscure facts—are in sharp contrast to their low levels of general functioning. Psychologists estimate that less than one percent of mentally retarded people have some sort of “savant” talents.
In addition, an estimated 10% of autistic people have these “savant” abilities. Autism is a disorder that affects communication, learning and emotions—and sometimes includes mental retardation. Autistic people shun human relationships but may become completely absorbed with mechanical objects. [Gershaw, David. Islands of Genius, 1988. At: http://www.members.cox.net/dagershaw/lol/GeniusIsland.html]
In the case of idiot savants, besides having a severely unbalanced and one-sided allocation plan, it may also be the case that the total number of awareness-particle input channels that are allocated to the various intellectual abilities is substantially below average. In the case of a mentally retarded person who has no savant ability, his allocation plan is more balanced, but for whatever reason his allocation plan simply allocates too few awareness-particle input channels to the various intellectual abilities.
Autism, mentioned in the above quote, is another condition that is understandable in terms of being the result of an allocation plan that allocates a substantially below-average number of awareness-particle input channels to those mental programs involved in providing what autism is deficient in. According to the Autism Society of America:
Autism is a complex developmental disability that typically appears during the first three years of life. … Children and adults with autism typically have difficulties in verbal and non-verbal communication, social interactions, and leisure or play activities.
The overall incidence of autism is consistent around the globe, but is four times more prevalent in boys than girls. Autism knows no racial, ethnic, or social boundaries, and family income, lifestyle, and educational levels do not affect the chance of autism’s occurrence. [What is Autism?. At: http://www.autism-society.org/site/PageServer?pagename=whatisautism]
About the much greater incidence of autism in males, there is a simple explanation: Women are known to be, on average, much more social and communicative than men. Thus, the allocation plan for the average female allocates many more awareness-particle input channels to those mental programs involved in socializing and communicating, than does the allocation plan for the average male. Thus, more males than females will have autism. More specifically, if one were to see the distribution curve (perhaps it’s a bell curve) plotting for the entire female population the distribution of the number of awareness-particle input channels allocated to the mental programs involved in socializing and communicating, and compare this distribution curve with the same distribution curve for the entire male population, then, given that autism is “four times more prevalent in boys than girls,” this means that the area under the male distribution curve between point 0 (no awareness-particle input channels allocated to the mental programs involved in socializing and communicating) and point x (the maximum allocation—to the mental programs involved in socializing and communicating—that is still likely to result in a diagnosis of autism; likely means at least 50% probability) is four times the area under the female distribution curve between those same two points (0 and x).
 In section 9.2 it was mentioned that the Caretakers apparently have the same two genders as mankind. Regarding allocation plans, one can outline the evolutionary process that would over time result in the Caretakers having two genders. This same evolutionary process also explains the two human genders (supplementing and in addition to the organic reason involving sexual reproduction):
Assume that at some point in their evolutionary development the Caretakers reached the same situation that currently applies to mankind, in which the limiting factor for their consciously expressed self (including their senses, feelings and emotions, personality, and intelligence) is the limited number of awareness-particle input channels, which is insufficient to fully connect all the various mind-parts so that each mind-part is connected to its maximum potential. In this situation, each newly formed Caretaker—assuming they undergo a rebirth process, albeit without a physical body—is faced with a winner-take-all choice, because, as a rule, the allocation of awareness-particle input channels, once done, does not change, except for certain age-related changes such as the age-related orgasm loss in my own case, and the other changes that happen at different stages in one’s growth to adulthood and one’s decline into old age (see the discussion in the next section about how the allocation plan changes for humans at different stages in their development as they grow and age).
As sociologists have already noted, it is known in human society that a winner-take-all election scheme eventually results in only two major political parties that capture most of the votes. Similarly, one may assume that the evolving Caretaker society would eventually have only two major allocation plans for allocating the awareness-particle input channels—resulting in their two genders, which are apparently similar to our own two genders. Each newly formed Caretaker, in effect, typically chooses one of these two major allocation plans (perhaps this choice is made unconsciously), and then makes adjustments to that allocation plan as wanted and/or needed according to whatever influences are involved (perhaps these adjustments are also made unconsciously).
 Given the gender basis of the three races (section 9.2), one may infer that the african race has the strongest orgasm, the oriental race has the weakest orgasm, and the caucasian race is in-between.